Moneycontrol
you are here: HomeNewsOpinion
Live now
AUTO REFRESH
Jun 19, 2020 12:42 PM IST | Source: CNBC-TV18

IIFL on D-Mart IPO, Opinion | Indian stocks are just playing catch up, Modi’s return irrelevant to markets after elections




\"city:immersive:nagpur\" this is title


mumbai

Siliguri

engine of Indian politics isn’t aspiration, it is anxiety – and no one recognizes this better than Narendra Modi, who has understood that his followers don’t want a Ceo-in-Chief to lead them; they want a parent, or better still, a priest.

The Uttar Pradesh elections are a vivid illustration of this trend. Analysts have argued, including in these pages, that the result is a vindication of the so-called 60-percent formula: where the BJP focused Non-Yadav Other Backward Classes (OBC), non-Jatav Dalits, and the usual constellation of upper castes, and ignored the Muslim and Jatavs who make up close to 40% of the state electorate.It is possible that the BJP reached out to this particular caste-spectrum, but to what end? Why do these social groups want a stake in the state – particularly a state like ours, which is incapable of providing jobs, a school education for children, or healthcare for elderly parents – something that 87% of young Indians apparently worry about. It turns out, one arm of the Indian state is yet to wither away: it’s coercive arm remains robust, and what’s better – has jobs to offer.These numbers have profound implications for the future of Indian democracy. The engine of Indian politics isn’t aspiration, it is anxiety – and no one recognizes this better than Narendra Modi, who has understood that his followers don’t want a Ceo-in-Chief to lead them; they want a parent, or better still, a priest.

The Uttar Pradesh elections are a vivid illustration of this trend. Analysts have argued, including in these pages, that the result is a vindication of the so-called 60-percent formula: where the BJP focused Non-Yadav Other Backward Classes (OBC), non-Jatav Dalits, and the usual constellation of upper castes, and ignored the Muslim and Jatavs who make up close to 40% of the state electorate.

A regressive and patriarchal construct that oppresses women and turns the young into an exaggeration of their parents’ worst traits. It hence no surprise that our current political climate

These numbers have profound implications for the future of Indian democracy. The engine of Indian politics isn’t aspiration, it is anxiety – and no one recognizes this better than Narendra Modi, who has understood that his followers don’t want a Ceo-in-Chief to lead them; they want a parent, or better still, a priest.

The Uttar Pradesh elections are a vivid illustration of this trend. Analysts have argued, including in these pages, that the result is a vindication of the so-called 60-percent formula: where the BJP focused Non-Yadav Other Backward Classes (OBC), non-Jatav Dalits, and the usual constellation of upper castes, and ignored the Muslim and Jatavs who make up close to 40% of the state electorate.

The Uttar Pradesh elections are a vivid illustration of this trend. Analysts have argued, including in these pages, that the result is a vindication of the so-called 60-percent formula: where the BJP focused Non-Yadav Other Backward Classes (OBC), non-Jatav Dalits, and the usual constellation of upper castes, and ignored the Muslim and Jatavs who make up close to 40% of the state electorate.It is possible that the BJP reached out to this particular caste-spectrum, but to what end? Why do these social groups want a stake in the state – particularly a state like ours, which is incapable of providing jobs, a school education for children, or healthcare for elderly parents – something that 87% of young Indians apparently worry about. It turns out, one arm of the Indian state is yet to wither away: it’s coercive arm remains robust, and what’s better – has jobs to offer.These numbers have profound implications for the future of Indian democracy. The engine of Indian politics isn’t aspiration, it is anxiety – and no one recognizes this better than Narendra Modi, who has understood that his followers don’t want a Ceo-in-Chief to lead them; they want a parent, or better still, a priest.

The Uttar Pradesh elections are a vivid illustration of this trend. Analysts have argued, including in these pages, that the result is a vindication of the so-called 60-percent formula: where the BJP focused Non-Yadav Other Backward Classes (OBC), non-Jatav Dalits, and the usual constellation of upper castes, and ignored the Muslim and Jatavs who make up close to 40% of the state electorate.


varanasi

Varanasi

The Uttar Pradesh elections are a vivid illustration of this trend.The engine of Indian politics isn’t aspiration, it is anxiety – and no one recognizes this better than Narendra Modi, who has understood that his followers don’t want a Ceo-in-Chief to lead them; they want a parent, or better still, a priest.

The Uttar Pradesh elections are a vivid illustration of this trend. Analysts have argued, including in these pages, that the result is a vindication of the so-called 60-percent formula: where the BJP focused Non-Yadav Other Backward Classes (OBC), non-Jatav Dalits, and the usual constellation of upper castes, and ignored the Muslim and Jatavs who make up close to 40% of the state electorate.It is possible that the BJP reached out to this particular caste-spectrum, but to what end? Why do these social groups want a stake in the state – particularly a state like ours, which is incapable of providing jobs, a school education for children, or healthcare for elderly parents – something that 87% of young Indians apparently worry about. It turns out, one arm of the Indian state is yet to wither away: it’s coercive arm remains robust, and what’s better – has jobs to offer.These numbers have profound implications for the future of Indian democracy. The engine of Indian politics isn’t aspiration, it is anxiety – and no one recognizes this better than Narendra Modi, who has understood that his followers don’t want a Ceo-in-Chief to lead them; they want a parent, or better still, a priest.

The Uttar Pradesh elections are a vivid illustration of this trend. Analysts have argued, including in these pages, that the result is a vindication of the so-called 60-percent formula: where the BJP focused Non-Yadav Other Backward Classes (OBC), non-Jatav Dalits, and the usual constellation of upper castes, and ignored the Muslim and Jatavs who make up close to 40% of the state electorate.


mumbai

Mumbai

These numbers have profound implications for the future of Indian democracy. The engine of Indian politics isn’t aspiration, it is anxiety – and no one recognizes this better than Narendra Modi, who has understood that his followers don’t want a Ceo-in-Chief to lead them; they want a parent, or better still, a priest.

The Uttar Pradesh elections are a vivid illustration of this trend. Analysts have argued, including in these pages, that the result is a vindication of the so-called 60-percent formula: where the BJP focused Non-Yadav Other Backward Classes (OBC), non-Jatav Dalits, and the usual constellation of upper castes, and ignored the Muslim and Jatavs who make up close to 40% of the state electorate.It is possible that the BJP reached out to this particular caste-spectrum, but to what end? Why do these social groups want a stake in the state – particularly a state like ours, which is incapable of providing jobs, a school education for children, or healthcare for elderly parents – something that 87% of young Indians apparently worry about. It turns out, one arm of the Indian state is yet to wither away: it’s coercive arm remains robust, and what’s better – has jobs to offer.These numbers have profound implications for the future of Indian democracy. The engine of Indian politics isn’t aspiration, it is anxiety – and no one recognizes this better than Narendra Modi, who has understood that his followers don’t want a Ceo-in-Chief to lead them; they want a parent, or better still, a priest.

The Uttar Pradesh elections are a vivid illustration of this trend. Analysts have argued, including in these pages, that the result is a vindication of the so-called 60-percent formula: where the BJP focused Non-Yadav Other Backward Classes (OBC), non-Jatav Dalits, and the usual constellation of upper castes, and ignored the Muslim and Jatavs who make up close to 40% of the state electorate.
DSC_5354
DSC_5354
this is the image caption

These numbers have profound implications for the future of Indian democracy. The engine of Indian politics isn’t aspiration, it is anxiety – and no one recognizes this better than Narendra Modi, who has understood that his followers don’t want a Ceo-in-Chief to lead them; they want a parent, or better still, a priest.


mumbai

Mumbai
These numbers have profound implications for the future of Indian democracy. The engine of Indian politics isn’t aspiration, it is anxiety – and no one recognizes this better than Narendra Modi, who has understood that his followers don’t want a Ceo-in-Chief to lead them; they want a parent, or better still, a priest.
this is the quote

The Uttar Pradesh elections are a vivid illustration of this trend. Analysts have argued, including in these pages, that the result is a vindication of the so-called 60-percent formula: where the BJP focused Non-Yadav Other Backward Classes (OBC), non-Jatav Dalits, and the usual constellation of upper castes, and ignored the Muslim and Jatavs who make up close to 40% of the state electorate.It is possible that the BJP reached out to this particular caste-spectrum, but to what end? Why do these social groups want a stake in the state – particularly a state like ours, which is incapable of providing jobs, a school education for children, or healthcare for elderly parents – something that 87% of young Indians apparently worry about. It turns out, one arm of the Indian state is yet to wither away: it’s coercive arm remains robust, and what’s better – has jobs to offer.These numbers have profound implications for the future of Indian democracy. The engine of Indian politics isn’t aspiration, it is anxiety – and no one recognizes this better than Narendra Modi, who has understood that his followers don’t want a Ceo-in-Chief to lead them; they want a parent, or better still, a priest.

The Uttar Pradesh elections are a vivid illustration of this trend. Analysts have argued, including in these pages, that the result is a vindication of the so-called 60-percent formula: where the BJP focused Non-Yadav Other Backward Classes (OBC), non-Jatav Dalits, and the usual constellation of upper castes, and ignored the Muslim and Jatavs who make up close to 40% of the state electorate.


These numbers have profound implications for the future of Indian democracy. The engine of Indian politics isn’t aspiration, it is anxiety – and no one recognizes this better than Narendra Modi, who has understood that his followers don’t want a Ceo-in-Chief to lead them; they want a parent, or better still, a priest.


mumbai

New Delhi
These numbers have profound implications for the future of Indian democracy. The engine of Indian politics isn’t aspiration, it is anxiety – and no one recognizes this better than Narendra Modi, who has understood that his followers don’t want a Ceo-in-Chief to lead them; they want a parent, or better still, a priest.
this is the quote

The Uttar Pradesh elections are a vivid illustration of this trend. Analysts have argued, including in these pages, that the result is a vindication of the so-called 60-percent formula: where the BJP focused Non-Yadav Other Backward Classes (OBC), non-Jatav Dalits, and the usual constellation of upper castes, and ignored the Muslim and Jatavs who make up close to 40% of the state electorate.It is possible that the BJP reached out to this particular caste-spectrum, but to what end? Why do these social groups want a stake in the state – particularly a state like ours, which is incapable of providing jobs, a school education for children, or healthcare for elderly parents – something that 87% of young Indians apparently worry about. It turns out, one arm of the Indian state is yet to wither away: it’s coercive arm remains robust, and what’s better – has jobs to offer.These numbers have profound implications for the future of Indian democracy. The engine of Indian politics isn’t aspiration, it is anxiety – and no one recognizes this better than Narendra Modi, who has understood that his followers don’t want a Ceo-in-Chief to lead them; they want a parent, or better still, a priest.

The Uttar Pradesh elections are a vivid illustration of this trend. Analysts have argued, including in these pages, that the result is a vindication of the so-called 60-percent formula: where the BJP focused Non-Yadav Other Backward Classes (OBC), non-Jatav Dalits, and the usual constellation of upper castes, and ignored the Muslim and Jatavs who make up close to 40% of the state electorate.


These numbers have profound implications for the future of Indian democracy. The engine of Indian politics isn’t aspiration, it is anxiety – and no one recognizes this better than Narendra Modi, who has understood that his followers don’t want a Ceo-in-Chief to lead them; they want a parent, or better still, a priest.


mumbai

Nagpur

These numbers have profound implications for the future of Indian democracy. The engine of Indian politics isn’t aspiration, it is anxiety – and no one recognizes this better than Narendra Modi, who has understood that his followers don’t want a Ceo-in-Chief to lead them; they want a parent, or better still, a priest.

this is the quote

The Uttar Pradesh elections are a vivid illustration of this trend. Analysts have argued, including in these pages, that the result is a vindication of the so-called 60-percent formula: where the BJP focused Non-Yadav Other Backward Classes (OBC), non-Jatav Dalits, and the usual constellation of upper castes, and ignored the Muslim and Jatavs who make up close to 40% of the state electorate.It is possible that the BJP reached out to this particular caste-spectrum, but to what end? Why do these social groups want a stake in the state – particularly a state like ours, which is incapable of providing jobs, a school education for children, or healthcare for elderly parents – something that 87% of young Indians apparently worry about. It turns out, one arm of the Indian state is yet to wither away: it’s coercive arm remains robust, and what’s better – has jobs to offer.These numbers have profound implications for the future of Indian democracy. The engine of Indian politics isn’t aspiration, it is anxiety – and no one recognizes this better than Narendra Modi, who has understood that his followers don’t want a Ceo-in-Chief to lead them; they want a parent, or better still, a priest.

The Uttar Pradesh elections are a vivid illustration of this trend. Analysts have argued, including in these pages, that the result is a vindication of the so-called 60-percent formula: where the BJP focused Non-Yadav Other Backward Classes (OBC), non-Jatav Dalits, and the usual constellation of upper castes, and ignored the Muslim and Jatavs who make up close to 40% of the state electorate.

These numbers have profound implications for the future of Indian democracy. The engine of Indian politics isn’t aspiration, it is anxiety – and no one recognizes this better than Narendra Modi, who has understood that his followers don’t want a Ceo-in-Chief to lead them; they want a parent, or better still, a priest.

 

Read More
Read Less

  • May 22, 2019 07:01 PM IST
  • May 13, 2020 02:42 PM IST

    <iframe class="embedly-embed" src="//cdn.embedly.com/widgets/media.html?src=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.youtube.com%2Fembed%2FlOE0ilMU5fk%3Ffeature%3Doembed&display_name=YouTube&url=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.youtube.com%2Fwatch%3Fv%3DlOE0ilMU5fk&image=https%3A%2F%2Fi.ytimg.com%2Fvi%2FlOE0ilMU5fk%2Fhqdefault.jpg&key=fd92ebbc52fc43fb98f69e50e7893c13&type=text%2Fhtml&schema=youtube" width="600" height="338" scrolling="no" title="YouTube embed" frameborder="0" allow="autoplay; fullscreen" allowfullscreen="true"></iframe>

  • May 23, 2019 11:03 AM IST
  • May 22, 2019 07:17 PM IST

    Results may be delayed in Gujarat by 3-4 hrs due to VVPAT counting 


    Election authorities said Wednesday that declaration of results of 26 Lok Sabha seats in Gujarat may get delayed by around 3 to 4 hours due to counting of voter-verifiable paper audit trail (VVPAT) slips.
     

    VVPAT slips of five randomly selected Electronic Voting Machines (EVMs) will be counted in every Assembly segment after EVM votes are counted, said the state's Chief Electoral Officer S Murali Krishna.
     

    Each of the 26 Lok Sabha seats has six to seven assembly segments.

    – PTI

  • May 22, 2019 07:10 PM IST

    Former Chief Election Commissioner Sunil Arora says EVMs cannot be tampered with 


    Former Chief Election Commissioner Sunil Arora told ANI, " EVMs can't be tampered with. EVM security protocol is so strict whenever a strong room has to be opened, representatives of all political parties have to be there, machines are taken out in their presence, mock poll is also conducted.

    In fact when making EVM ready for the polling, a mock poll is again conducted at polling station where all the polling agents are asked to vote & then count, so all these arrangements ensure that EVMs can't be tampered with.

  • May 22, 2019 06:29 PM IST
  • May 22, 2019 05:25 PM IST
  • May 22, 2019 03:30 PM IST

    A look at total number of candidates fielded by national parties such as BJP, Congress, BSP, TMC and others.

     A look at total number of candidates fielded by national parties such as BJP, Congress, BSP, TMC and others.
  • May 22, 2019 02:58 PM IST
  • May 22, 2019 02:56 PM IST
01okkk
Sections